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Quaboag Plantation

James Hovey

Life and Times on the New England Frontier, 1675

By Dwight A. Hovey

Life on the Frontier


James Hovey was born in Ipswich Massachusetts in 1650. He was the fourth son of Daniel Hovey who sailed to America as a young man from England and became a prominent man in Ipswich. In 1668, James, three of his brothers and sister joined their father in his endeavor to help found a new town in southwest Massachusetts. The site at the time was called Quaboag Plantation. Located thirty miles to the southwest of Marlborough and twenty-six miles to the northeast of Springfield on the Connecticut River, this new settlement would join the east coast of Massachusetts with settlement along that river by an overland route. Its establishment was considered vital to the future commerce of the colony. Daniel purchased 100 acres of land and built a modest house. James’ brother, Thomas, chose to leave the plantation early and settled in the town of Hadley near the Connecticut River. (1) (2) (refer to random notes)

In 1670, James married Priscilla Warner who was a resident of Quaboag and a year older than himself. Their civil marriage was registered in the Magistrates Book of Springfield and witnessed by the constable of Quaboag Plantation, John Ayres. James purchased household goods from the general store of John Pynchon who was highly involved with the development of the new community. He now set up a house on the property next to his father. They had their first child, Priscilla in 1671, their second, Daniel in 1672, and finally James Jr. in 1674.

Life was hard. Priscilla would have spent the day among other things: taking care of children, cooking over a large open hearth, gardening, washing, and spinning thread from flax or wool. The thread she produced was tradable for merchandise. James would be up before dawn, have a breakfast of porridge and corn bread served by his wife as he sat at a small table in his “common room”. He might drink warm cider or even beer.

Soon, he would be at work tending his tillage field, or herding a flock. He might decide to go hunting or fishing to bring meat to the table or spend the day chopping wood for the long winter. He could go off to work with his father or work as a day laborer for someone else. For this he was paid sometimes with a credit slip good at the general store in Springfield owned by John Pynchon with whom they all traded. As England was reluctant to have its own coinage exported to the colonies, another way in which he could be paid was in Spanish pieces of eight, Dutch guilders, Indian wampum or even musket balls. All of these currencies and others had a set value within the Bay Colony which also minted its own coins.

James and his family would have more room to grow as his father Daniel, his mother Abigail and two brothers, Joseph and Nathaniel departed for Hadley to the northwest in 1672 while his sister, Abigail, married a local man in Quaboag. He was now in charge of all the Hovey land east of Hovey Brook. James by this stage had a modest house with a garden and fenced yard on the north side of the Old Bay Path. Like all Puritan houses, the front door would have faced south. He built his barn for livestock on the south side of the road.

James was very active in the planter community. He helped build the grist mill that would be so important to the village. By having a mill, the town would be more attractive to new settlers. Pynchon’s mill as it was known was their connection between agriculture and industry.

In 1673, James signed the petition to have Quaboag Plantation declared a town to be named Brookfield. They had the required deed to the lands and a minister, John Younglove, in place. The petition was conditionally approved. They had at this time 20 and would need at least 40 families there within 5 years before they could officially be designated a town. But for now, Brookfield existed.

As he was paid for his labor in helping to build the grist mill, he usually paid off his merchandise accounts at the general store in Springfield, with salted pork and maintenance work at the mill.

James, like all the men at Brookfield, was a farmer and herdsman, but his father, Daniel had brought with him from Ipswich a large whip saw. With this they were able to produce lumber for the community. Together they would find dry logs, drag them to a saw pit and cut out the planking, slats, and shingles used in house and barn construction. One had to have many skills to survive in the wilderness.

James had to be a skilled hunter to provide food for his growing family. The forest was capable of helping the settlers as it had white tailed deer, fowl and other wildlife for the taking. Records show that James was able to receive 6 schillings for foxes he had killed and the very healthy bounty of 40 schillings for presenting the ears of wolves to the town constable. Bold and voracious, the wolf was the real terror of the community. They were a constant menace to livestock. Their dreadful howl was a constant reminder of Brookfield’s wilderness existence.

The local Indians were the Quaboags, a sub-tribe of the predominate Nipmucs, who had deeded the original land grant for Quaboag Plantation. They were known as “praying” Indians as they had been converted to Christianity in the 1640’s by the missionary, John Eliot. The men thus wore their hair short in the English style. They lived in Indian style wigwams and were led by the sachem Muttawmp, who originally welcomed the English settlement as protection against their traditional enemies to the south, the numerous Narragansett.

Being basically a stone-age culture, they also wanted to trade with the settlers for European iron products, cloth and weaponry. James probably had some contact with them as his father, Daniel, held a rare license to trade with them for peltry, mostly beaver. James could have assisted in the delivery of the trade items and transport of pelts for resale in Springfield. The beaver pelt was in high demand in Europe as it was used in the making of hats. Living only two miles to the northwest of the settlement on the edge of Wickaboag Pond, we can assume that contact was not infrequent.

The Quaboag’s parent tribe, the Nipmucs, were settled ten miles north of town. They were not converted but did enjoy trading with the English. Relationships between the two cultures had been good for a long time and small problems between the neighbors, usually over loose cattle eating Indian gardens, were easily resolved. But the Puritans, in general, felt themselves culturally superior to the Indians and often treated them poorly. The largest problem, however, was the English incessant need for more land and incursions on Nipmuc territory by squatters. This led to Nipmuc suspicion as to the overall intent of the Bay Colony regarding their lands and helped foster the tragic events of 1675.

All men in communities such as Brookfield between the ages of 16 and 60 were expected to be in the local militia. While along the east coast militiamen were trained in “anti-piracy”, those of the interior learned how to fight in the woods. James would have been one of them. We know that he owned a musket, a hand gun and a sword. Brookfield could muster about 20 men. These men would meet once a month on a Saturday, except during harvest season; to drill, work on the garrison, target shoot, and practice both general military and “Indian style” warfare for the safety of the community. Attendance at these drills was mandatory and being late for the drum roll was cause for a monetary fine. All men were required to carry a weapon even to church. This vigilance may seem unusual; however, the fear of attack from the outside or inside was part of the Puritan mindset. Be it the French from the north; the Dutch from the east, Indians or some other “satanic” force, armed resistance would be waiting.

In charge of the Brookfield militia was Sgt. John Ayres who served also as the town miller and was the local tavern keeper. The tavern itself plays an important part in the story of this community and was build especially large and strong. Towns like this were required to have such a building or stockade on high ground to act as a garrison should the need arise.

As the town lay on the route between Boston and Springfield the tavern offered accommodation for travelers as well as food and drink at fixed prices. A large barn with attached brewery and a fenced yard provided for transient livestock. A well adjacent to the building provided water as a courtesy to teamsters or anyone passing by or staying the night. Most inhabitants of the village preferred to drink the local beer or cider. Rum, brandy and wine were also available.

Another building essential to the community was the meeting house. This building was especially free of any ornamentation. It served as the church on the Sabbath. The people were anti-Papist, so there was no cross or representative icon of their faith. It consisted of hard benches, a deacon’s desk where one would find Deacon Daniel Hovey and a pulpit. On the Sabbath everyone was expected to be there to “enjoy” the three hour sermon followed after dinner by the two hour discussion of scripture. The business of the church was also conducted during this time. On the door would be tacked notices from the General Court of Hampshire County and issues regarding the town. It was here that civic business was conducted and where vital records were kept. It was the school and the post of the night watchman as well. This building was not far from the tavern along Town Street.

Behind the meeting house and north of the Bay Path could be found the plantation burial ground. While there had been some deaths in the years from 1665 to 1675, both adults and children, the births far outweighed them and the town was awash with youngsters. By the summer of 1675, there were 35 adults and 43 children divided among 14 family names.

The settlers of this plantation were perhaps dissatisfied with things from hence they came and hoped for change. Perhaps they settled this remote area for religious reasons or profit from the development of cheap land. The founders, mostly from Ipswich, brought with them a great amount of civic, military, agricultural and trade skills. All the elements were present for the success of this community.

James Hovey, in his 25th year by 1675 would have felt some pride in his efforts to have tamed this wilderness. A young man with a growing family, he would have seen some settlers give up this hard life and yet welcome others who would try to make it here in the most isolated of all the English settlements in the Colony. The Hoveys faced bitter winters and blistering summers, endured through illness and the natural forces that test those who chose life on the frontier. Their story is one of survival against the elements armed only with their wits, bodily strength and faith. The tragic events of 1675 do not diminish our vision of James in life doing the hard things that built his character. His dreams were the ones that make great men and even great nations.


The Siege and Destruction of Brookfield

King Philip’s War for both the English and Indian participants, proved to be one of almost total destruction. It began with trouble between the Indians of the southeast of Massachusetts and Plymouth Colony.
The Wampanoag Indian sachem, or chief, Metacom known as Philip, after continual and repeated abuse and injustice on the part of that Plymouth Colony and its governor, Josiah Winslow, sensed that the very existence of all the tribes of Massachusetts were in jeopardy should the English not be stopped from absorbing Indian lands and forcing their hegemony upon the indigenous people. To this end, in 1675, he secretly began to arm and provision for a war of annihilation against expanding English settlement. Bold and intelligent, he traveled among the various and far reaching tribes of Massachusetts delivering his message of unity and common defense. These tribes were no strangers to warfare in its harshest form and sensed the inevitability of the contest. Gradually, more and more of these mistreated tribes fell into alliance with Philip and awaited his word.

Brookfield, perhaps owing to its small size, always maintained a healthy and peaceful co-existence with local Quaboags and other Nipmucs. Visits to the Indian camps for trade were common. Residents of Brookfield went to these villages unarmed so as to pose no threat to the Indians nor did they feel threatened by them. In the 10 years from 1665 to 1675, communication between the two groups had only improved and genuine exchanges of thought occurred while friendships were formed. But, Brookfield was still a relatively isolated community that had come to be symbolic of all the resentment of the Indian nation to English encroachment and would soon feel the wrath of this blossoming hatred.

Plymouth Colony at this time was independent of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, from where Brookfield received its directive, and it was there that the storm would break. On June 20, 1675, the small town of Swansea, far to the southeast of Brookfield, was suddenly attacked by the local Indians. The townspeople held out in their stockade for 5 days while the entire town was burned. News of this event may have alerted the residents of Brookfield but they did not know then that it was part of a general uprising and took no extraordinary action in response.

As knowledge of Philip's scheme of alliances became apparent, the General Court in Boston sought to make sure that the Nipmucs were not leaning towards the warpath. Capt. Edward Hutchinson was ordered by the General Court in Boston to seek out the Nipmucs and demand their total compliance with the dictates of the colonial government or face the consequences. He was to join a twenty man cavalry troop under Capt. Thomas Wheeler, the scout Ephraim Curtis and three “praying” Indian interpreters for this mission. The military party arrived in Brookfield on Sunday Aug. 1, 1675. The scout, Curtis, rode to the Nipmuc village and arranged a parley for the next day at a place three miles north of the town. Three men from Brookfield, Sgt. Ayers, Sgt. William Prichard and Cpl. Richard Coy agreed to go along to aid in negotiations. (6)

At 8:00 A.M. on Aug. 2. Capt. Hutchinson and his escort arrived at the appointed place but the Indians were not there. After waiting for some time, the three unarmed Brookfield men encouraged Hutchinson to proceed to the village so confident were they of the Indian’s pacifism. The three Indian scouts warned against the plan. The decision was made to continue on to the native village which had recently been relocated to a swampy area off the Bay Path. As they neared the camp the path narrowed and they were now approaching the dense area in single file. With a steep rocky hill on their right and dense foliage on their left, the three Brookfield men leading, the horsemen rode on in eerie silence.

That Monday morning, James Hovey on the extreme east end of the settlement would have known that a delegation was going to see the Nipmucs. His wife, Priscilla, may have been with Mary Trumble, their neighbor who had given birth the day before. Perhaps he was, while he went about his morning chores, listening for something or looking to the north for a sign, anything to tell him all was well. As per his militia training near his front door was his musket and twenty ready shots. Should he be concerned? The militia had not been assembled, and other activities about the community seemed normal. It would all be clear when the troopers returned.

Capt. Hutchinson was bringing a message to an Indian village with more than 200 warriors that demanded their complete subjugation to the will of the Massachusetts Bay Colony and support for the war effort against Philip or face its wrath. Did his unarmed Brookfield guides leading the column know the threatening nature of his message? Capt. Wheeler rode near his son, Thomas, on his first cavalry mission with his proud father. The scout, Curtis, the experienced troopers and the “praying” Indians craned their heads and listened and looked for signs. Perhaps too late, had they sensed that something was amiss?

The explosion from the woods was sudden and terrifying. In the eruption of concentrated musket fire many of the English horsemen were thrown gasping from saddles, horses crumbled to their knees and wailed. The deafening blast and billows of acrid smoke cleared to be followed by the horrifying yelp that was the charging Nipmucs answer to the General Court of Massachusetts as to their allegiance and to what degree they would be subjugated. In seconds, all the Brookfield men had fallen into a cluster and were being hacked to death by screaming Indians. Five other troopers fell in the ambush and endured a similar fate. Wounded in the hip, Capt. Wheeler forced his horse up the rocky slope where it suddenly collapsed beneath him. He looked to see if his son might make his own escape. But Thomas Wheeler was of better stuff and raced to his father and giving up his own horse sped him to safety. He was then wounded in the arm but found a stray horse and joined his father in the retreat. Hutchinson was badly wounded but could still ride his uninjured horse. Curtis and the “praying” Indians organized the escape from the swamp and soon the survivors with five wounded were racing to Brookfield leaving eight dead men behind. The Nipmucs, on foot, 300 to 500 strong, were coming to finish the morning’s business. (17) (5)

James Hovey would have quickly surmised that something was wrong when the remains of the detachment streamed into Brookfield and up Prichard’s Hill. The people gathering around them and assisting the wounded dismount would have heard with shock that their kinsmen were all dead. Ayers, Prichard and Coy had all been founders of Quaboag and their large families were suddenly leaderless and that their murderers were only minutes away thirsting for more blood. No one knew how much time they had before the Indians would be upon them but they all knew the drill. Quickly the people made for Ayers tavern, the garrisoned house of the town. Perhaps in panic but surely in desperation children had to be found and gathered up, weaponry secured and life or death decisions made. Still, there was not enough time to bring sufficient provisions for a siege. Fortunately, before the arrival of the Indians, all of the troopers and townspeople, but one, were inside the garrison. That exception was James Hovey.

The Nipmucs covered the eight miles from their village to Brookfield in less than two hours. They swept in from the northeast upon the town. This direction would have brought them to the Hovey, Trumble and Travis houses. Eventually these houses would be looted and burned. Under Muttawmp's direction they continued on to houses on Prichard’s Hill and the siege began in earnest.

Unknown to the besieged or the Indian attackers, travelers on the road from Marlborough witnessed the Nipmucs initial approach to Brookfield. Sensing danger they hurried back to Marlborough from where a message was dispatched to a Major Willard who was on a military operation nearby.

It was during this initial period that, sadly, James was overtaken and killed by the Indians somewhere near his house. His absence from the relative safety of the tavern leads only to speculation as to why. Perhaps he was trying to reach Marlborough where military help could be had. He might have been attempting to bring extra provisions, gunpowder, or some other essential back to the garrison. History may hold this secret for another day.

The siege of Brookfield was one of the most dramatic and tragic events at the beginning of a devastating war. In telling the story of James Hovey, a life on the colonial frontier is revealed but only on the vaguest of information. It would be too easy to close with his tragic death. But at this moment in time his wife, Priscilla, and children are in grave danger, isolated in a tavern surrounded by hundreds of hostile Indians. Their experience is as dramatic a statement as any other in telling of his life in Brookfield.

As James gave up his last breath his children Priscilla, Daniel and James huddled near their mother in a crowded stifling stronghold amid the screams and whoops of an avenging horde while bullets piecing the thick planking of the walls fell inertly at their feet. The first attempts to go for help failed as the two riders were turned back by Indians plundering houses in the east end. Samuel Prichard ran to his father’s house near the tavern to get provisions but was cut off by the Indians, killed and decapitated. His father had died only hours before at the ambush. Now the Indians “kicked his head about like a football” and later placed it on a pole in front of the Prichard homestead. Those of the besieged who initially suggested surrender now understood the consequences of such an action. Henry Young, one of Wheeler’s troopers while firing from the high garret window was hit by return fire and later died of his wound. As night fell, Ephraim Curtis, the scout, was able to sneak away on foot. In the dark he would reach the path to Marlborough and race there in hopes of bringing help. Fire arrows now rained down upon the garrison. These small fires were extinguished with what little water the besieged had. Two men were wounded in making dashes outside to put out the blazes. (7)

On the second day, town resident Thomas Wilson while attempting to get water from the well near the tavern was shot in the jaw and neck. The Indian attacks were now even more relentless. They devised a fire ball and threw it into the garret and peppered the roof with fire arrows, only quick and ingenious action on the part of besieged foiled them, so far. The entire area was now illuminated by houses and barns in roaring flame. Indians looted homes and slaughtered livestock while taunting the exhausted occupants of the smoldering stronghold. No one had any idea if help was coming or how much longer they could hold out. From the garret windows they could fire back at the enemy, but powder and ball were dwindling. Time, it seemed was on the side of the Nipmucs.

Ten miles northwest of Marlborough, Major Simon Willard paused with his cavalry troop of 46 men and Indian guides when an exhausted rider arrived from Marlborough bearing a message. Under the strictest orders to proceed to Lancaster for operations against the Indians there, Willard carefully read the laconic note that gave him the startling news that Brookfield, more than 40 miles distant, was under attack. Dare he respond? Could he arrive in time? What of his standing orders? Willard pondered this dilemma but soon gave his verbal answer to the messenger and upon his signal ordered his column south in perhaps a forlorn hope to save the besieged village. (10)

The morning of the third day, Aug.4, found the Indians firmly in control. During the night they had slipped into the barn behind the tavern and now had a better field of fire at the building. Also from here, they could launch their big new weapon. Reasoning that the settlers had been able to thwart the many smaller fires started and were now short of water, they planned to hit the building with a huge fire device that could not be extinguished. They spent the greater part of the day preparing this fire bomb. It was basically a very large cart full of combustible material maneuvered into position by long poles. In the early evening the attack began. Under covering fire from the barn the device would be pushed against the east side of the tavern. In one of more ironic moments of this event, the now blazing cart was nearing the building when a sudden rain shower hit the scene and soon the material was too damp and the flame abated. The Indians now went scrambling for dry material to sustain their device. It was by now one hour into the darkness of the night.

The fires of many burning houses and barns pieced the darkness and served as a beacon to troopers of Willard’s command. Exhausted from long hours in the saddle they were closer now, were there any still alive to rescue and where could they be in this fiery landscape? The Indians had posted sentries to warn their brothers of any such rescue attempt. If forewarned they could quickly create an ambush. After briefly resting and preparing Willard led the column in a charge through the sentries whose shots wounded two riders but the report of the guns was lost among the continuous sniping and desultory musket fire of the night. Now with less concentrated resistance he charged up Prichard’s Hill with a notion of finding something, anything that would indicate he had been timely.

For the 56 Adults and 43 children crammed inside the darkness of Ayers Tavern, the increase of musket fire may have startled them somewhat, but there was no mistaking the sound of hooves and the blast of a cavalry trumpet. But it was true; a colonial cavalry troop was riding directly up Town Street and stopped at the smoldering besieged tavern. Major Willard shouted his demand to know who was present in the building. From inside the building, Capt. Wheeler’s trumpeter responded with a blast of his own and the besieged and the relief forces were joined. Willard chose to bring his men inside the garrison which was now jammed with 162 souls. But the place now bristled with friendly muskets and the surrounding hostiles were forced back taking many casualties. No further Indian incendiary attempts were made that night.

On the morning of the fourth day, Aug 5, after setting fire to the tavern barn, the Nipmucs gathered up their dead and wounded gave a last great war whoop for their victory here and retreated into the woods to later join Philip in ravaging the Connecticut River Valley. Rescuers and exhausted defenders emerged from the building that was their salvation to a scene of utter devastation. Every structure in the community save the garrison was burned to the ground. Brookfield was no more. (8) (19) (15) (16) (3)

It was but a single incident in a vicious war that raged through all of New England. The Indians would win other victories and lay waste to other communities. Flexible and mobile, they could bring large numbers to any given point, but they could not do this and also grow crops. The English learned how to come out from their defenses and raid like the Indians. Eventually, by attrition, hardship and defeats in battle, the Indian alliance began to break down. By the end of the summer of 1676 Philip himself fighting to the last was tracked down and killed. His head placed on a pole and marched to Plymouth for display. (9) (13) (12)

James Hovey was buried in the small burial ground with the eleven other victims of the ambush and siege. Eventually, the traumatized survivors of the event dispersed to other communities. For these highly religious and superstitious people, the advent of the dousing rain that killed the Indian death machine and the timely arrival of Willard and his men must have seemed like a miracle of biblical proportions. Instead of the dreadful death the Indians would have given them, they would have life. For James Hovey his legacy would not end in a burning tavern in Western Massachusetts, but go on through his children to the present day. A reminder to us his numerous descendants how close we came to not existing at all.

Priscilla Hovey took her three children to join Daniel Hovey in Hadley. She would leave her eldest son, Daniel there to be raised and educated by his uncle, Thomas, while she returned to Ipswich with her daughter, Priscilla and the infant, James Jr. She would later receive a small stipend as a war widow from the General Court of Ipswich and James’ death was officially listed as a military casualty. The last record available about James was filed by her that listed an inventory of his salvaged property and the Brookfield land itself which she later sold. All of James’ children would live to become adults. James Jr. would sire many children and lived a long and prosperous life. (14) (4)

Rather he was a good man or not, no man dies who is remembered. While James Hovey could have joined the others in the relative safety of the garrison at the beginning of the siege, he chose instead to risk his life in some significant act for the benefit of his community and family. His life in general and valorous final gesture are worthy of remembrance by his grateful posterity.


Special Thanks to Grant Hovey; Project director, Douglas Hovey: editing, and Richard Belton; photos



Random Notes

1. Much of the information for this narrative came from, Quaboag Plantation alias Brookefeild (A seventeenth Century Massachusetts Town) by Louis E. Roy. This book includes greater detail then given here and tells of the other planters engaged in this wilderness project.
2. Most of the founders of Quaboag Plantation were prominent citizens of Ipswich who disliked the rigid orthodoxy of the church there. They hoped to establish in the wilderness a more tolerant church. These “dissenters” were welcome to leave Ipswich and fulfill the Colony’s wish to build a town there.
3. James Travis, a neighbor of James Hovey, after resettling his family in Framingham, rejoined and fought the Indians until captured by the Mohawks. His skills as a hunter and athletic ability endeared him to the tribe who wished him to become one of them. They built him a large wigwam and selected his bride. On his wedding night he escaped but was recaptured. Sentenced to death, he again escaped and after more than two years of captivity returned to his family.
4. Daniel Hovey, in Hadley during the Brookfield incident, would join his sons Thomas, Joseph, and Nathaniel in the militia there and defend the town against an Indian attack in 1676. They also fought Indians in areas around the town. He later received 11 pounds in compensation for his service equal to more than 120 days of active duty. In 1678 he returned with his son Nathaniel to Ipswich. He died in 1692. In his will, he provided for Priscilla, Daniel, and James Jr., the children of his fallen son James.
5. Among the Nipmucs were seven “praying” Indian villages that wished to remain neutral during the conflict. Nipmuc warriors would visit them and begin crushing heads until they understood that there were no neutrals in this war. They joined Phillips uprising.
6. In an event after Brookfield, the Agawam Indians around Springfield wanted only peace. To insure this, by order of the General Court, the Massachusetts militia took 100 of their children hostage and threatened to murder them should there be any trouble. The Agawam were so enraged by this act they immediately joined Phillip in his war.
7. Captured Indians were either killed on the spot or sold into slavery in Bermuda. Their leaders in some cases were tried and hanged. Captured colonial militiamen could only wish for a swift death as the Indian method of killing a captive defied description in its cruelty.
8. Capt. Wheeler who was wounded in the ambush and took refuge in the Brookfield garrison in his after-action report stated that about 80 Indians were killed in the attack. That number seems exaggerated but the defenders did have certain advantages. From the garret windows they could survey the entire area and among them had troopers and residents such as James Travis who were deadly accurate marksmen.
9. While Phillip clearly understood why he went to war, the General Court in Boston could not imagine what his complaint might be. They finally concluded that the war was God’s retribution for a lack of piety, breaking of the Sabbath, letting Quakers live among them and even crimes of vanity such as men wearing their hair too long and women displaying “finery”.
10. Judah Trumble the next door neighbor of the Hoveys was in Springfield about 26 miles and to the southwest of Brookfield when the attack began on Aug 2. His wife had given birth the day before so his business there must have been urgent. He was the local “going man” or teamster and was often going back and forth between the two places. Soon after purchasing two quarts of rum, he heard from a friendly Indian of the attack. On horse he raced to Brookfield only to see the town in flames and his way to the tavern barred by hundreds of Indians. He arrived on foot in Springfield the next day to alert the militia there.
11. Metacom, or Phillip for whom King Phillips War was named, continued his rampage for another year after Brookfield destroying crops, livestock and whole communities. He and his allies won many battles but eventually ran out the resources for a protracted war. He was tracked down near his home of Mount Hope in the summer of 1676 and in a surprise attack was shot through the heart while trying to escape by a “praying” Indian. His body was quartered and head placed on a pole. This grim war trophy was on display for the next 25 years.
12. Muttawmp who led the attack on Brookfield was captured the next year and hanged in Boston.
13. The war cost 5% of the white population of New England: 800 military and 2000 civilian deaths. 3000 Indians were killed in battle, 4000 confined, and 8000 spread to other places, mostly New York. It cost Massachusetts 150,000 Li. Thousands of bushels of crops were destroyed, 8000 head of cattle killed and 2000 houses and buildings destroyed. The total monetary value of all the property in the colony after the war was less than the total cost of the war. It took decades to recover. Of the 90 towns and settlements of Massachusetts during the war, 52 would be attacked. Of these 13 were completely destroyed.
14. With Brookfield abandoned, the Indians returned and burned to the ground both the tavern and the mill.
15. Major Willard who saved the besieged people from certain death by diverting from his original mission was at first cashiered for disobeying orders. Only later after petitions from the survivors was he reinstated and rewarded for his actions.
16. Had the garrison at Brookfield surrendered as others would later in the war perhaps one-third including Priscilla might have survived as captives. All the younger children and, with some exceptions, males thirteen and older would have been killed.
17. Man for man, the Indian was a better fighter. From childhood, they were taught the ways of a warrior. While colonial children were in church, Indian children were playing highly physical games that required endurance, bravery, stealth, trickery and a lot of “unsportsmanlike” conduct.
18. Capt. Hutchinson who was wounded in the ambush died of his wound two weeks later in Marlborough.
19. Capt. Wheelers “after action” report regarding the ambush and siege is the main source of our knowledge of these events. He also reported that two sets of twins were born during the siege. Both he and his son survived their wounds and received some monetary compensation.

Courtesy of Dwight Hovey
 

 
 

Copyright © 2001   West Brookfield Historical Commission
 Last modified: August 05, 2010